30/09/2015
Mauro Lucentini
American analysts attribute to the agreement between the United States and Iran a potential ‘transformational effect,’ both domestically and internationally. Domestically, because it has been
the first time that a majority of the Jewish Community has refused to follow the dictates of the American-Israeli lobby AIPAC, and in so doing has allowed the U.S. Congress to pass the agreement. In the process it has also returned to its traditional, liberal and left-wing positions, and this could be the start of a more balanced and independent-minded attitude toward the present farright, zionist and messianic Israeli Government. The international consequences are expected because the détente between the United States and Iran means that these two Governments could now try to align their policies as far as most centers of crisis in the Middle East are concerned. Both in Iraq and in Syria it will be in the interest of both to fight the progress of the ‘Islamic State’. A further benefit could be the convergence between American and Russian policies in Syria, setting aside the rancor generated by the Ukrainian crisis (which, in the meantime, seems directed toward a solution). The pact could also have a stabilizing effect on the Arab-Israeli conflict, the crisis that has had a catalyzing effect on most of the others in the region. Coupled with the mounting pressure exerced on Israel by the member countries of the United Nations Security Council, the Israeli Government could be induced to reopen negotiations for an agreeement with the Palestinians who, coincidentally, have their own ‘transformational’ decisions to take about their future in the West Bank and Gaza.
Ekaterina Entina
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has been aiming at membership of the EU for almost fifteen years. Initially it was a leader in European integration among the Balkan countries.
Today, Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro have moved ahead of it. The integration process has stagnated for a number of internal and external reasons. This has led to aggravation of the internal
political situation and opened to political conflict and opposition which unfolded in the first half of 2015. This conflict has highlighted flaws in the EU policies pursued within the country both before and during the crisis. Ultimately it was resolved, but only after the United States became involved. Failure by the EU to resolve the issues arising in the territory, considered to be its area
of responsibility, evidences the deep crisis within the EU integration policy. This article provides an analysis of Macedonian internal issues at the present time; the threats to domestic and regional stability are highlighted and an alternative scenario for resolving the situation it proposed.
Massimo Castaldo
The United Kingdom is not among the founders of the European Economic Community (EEC).
The Tory Government of Anthony Eden refused to participate to the Messina Conference (1955): the United Kingdom, the only Europeans winner of the war, had world interests and
responsibilities, first of all the interest to recover its lost colonies. However, the Britain’s leaders realized soon that the Empire was lost and had the wisdom to transform it into a Commonwealth
of independent States united under the British crown. Eden’s successor, Harold Macmillan, reversed the British policy towards Europe. He decided to apply for membership of the European
Community. The British application was vetoed by General de Gaulle (1963), who vetoed again a renewed British application in 1967. The UK could become a member of the European Community in 1973 with the conservative Government of Edward Heath. The UK was left waiting for ten years at the Community door and when at long last became a member, it was compelled to accept a very high contribution to the EEC, in part as a consequence of the privileged position granted to the French farming sector. It was Margaret Thatcher who won a hard battle and obtained in 1984 a British budget rebate. All this increased the British diffidence towards Europe and the UK participation to the European Union was as Roy Jenkins, the first British President of the European Commission, used to say «semi-detached». The Government of the New Labour of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown opened a period of full British cooperation to the development af the Union. The Prime Minister Tony Blair was very active in the elaboration of the Lisbon’s Treaty. He defined the Union as a confederation and succeeded in avoiding that the participants took the blind alley of federalism. Blair had the ambition to bring Britain to accept the euro in order to accede to the inner core of the Union, but he didn’t have the courage to take a decision, he kept postponing it until he had to resign for his decision to participate in the American war in
Iraq. The conservative David Cameron who won the election in 2010 had to face the anti- European faction which asked for a renegotiation of the terms of Britain’s Union membership andfor a “in/out referendum”. Cameron tried at first to avoid the referendum and postponed it to his next term. In 2015 he won his second term and decided for the renegotiation and for the in/out
referendum to be held at the end of 2017.
Guido Ravasi
The difficulties between Athens and Europe have deeper reasons than the economical-financial issues, which have dramatically come out and on which the media have focussed. This article is
based on the recent events that have marked the negotiations between Athens and the Eurozone and goes back to the roots, especially cultural roots, of the complex and difficult relations between Greece and the EU. The Author’s aim is to draw up a summary of the Greek attitude towards the process of European integration, while showing a permanent basic ambivalence. Such
ambivalence is linked to a contradictory identity of Greece, deeply divided between anti- European and pro-European attitudes, between East and West. A particular role, not to be underestimated, is that of the Eastern Orthodoxy in the Peninsula. The situation of high debt of Greece towards foreign countries is not an unusual condition, but it has historic recurrences, just as the very deficient compliance to the EU regulations. Greece appears to be a particularly unusual and unpredictable partner, not just because it puts the national interests above the European ones, but because it has not been able so far even to establish and «consistently pursue clearly defined national interests». The text ends by proposing as crucial the issue that comes out from the communiqué final of the last Eurosummit July 2015: restoring trust between the EU institutions and the Greek authorities. The historical and cultural roots that have been shown in this article do not testify for a change in the Greek attitude; anyway it is not unusual that, when faced with questions of survival, a country can switch from its own history to a new destiny.
Antonio Saccà
Financial speculation devouring savings, illegal job especially immigrants’, technology replacing employment - all these phenomena have generated a society bringing back into the state of Nature.
All things considered, is it possible, how, from who, to remedy such condition liable to any danger, from war to universal impoverishment? Is someone there exploiting this total chaos?
Dieter Krimphove - Sven Barth
The institution of individual entitlement of child protection and especially the individual rights of preservation against child poverty appear to be missing in international law. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the new century several subjects of international law, especially international organizations, are trying to strengthen the legal position of children at the international level. In our days, children’s right to be protected against poverty should also be considered under the perspective of the common good, because the exemption of educational and developmental
opportunities, caused by child poverty, hinder sustainable prosperity of national economies and economic growth.
The text outlines children law positions in a full catalogue, showing that until today the international community has missed to set out individual children entitlements in order to reduce child poverty.
The article aims to kick off a wide discussion, in order to fill this gap in the international law system and improve the sustainable development of children rights.
Marialuisa Lucia Sergio
One of the main systemic effects of détente in Europe was the political crisis of the centre parties of Christian-democratic inspiration that had built their own centrality in the government of Continental Europe just on the basis of the ideological hegemony of the democratic anticommunism. It should indeed be noted that the dialogue between the blocks led to a reduction of the prominence of Western Europe in the geo-political schemes and destabilized the European Christian Democrats, whose identity was firmly built on the doctrine of the indissolubility between Europeanism and Atlanticism. The paper aims at highlighting the political consequences unleashed by the détente in the main national areas where Christian democratic parties have acted (Germany and Italy). The paper proposes an analysis of bilateral relations between German Cdu and Italian Dc and a comparison about their different modalities of response to the challenge of détente. The comparison analyzes the distinct and, in many ways, contrasting tactics led by Italian Dc and by German Cdu toward the great issues of the transformation of the European scenario during the sixties and early seventies: the relations with the Eastern Bloc, the crisis of Euro-American relations and the fundamental change of the political system. The conflict between the opposing Italian and German strategies, above all within the European Union of Christian Democrats (EUCD), has also determined a divergent approach to the issue of relations between European centrist forces and conservative movements, particularly the British one. The study of this conflict could allow a better understanding why Dc and Cdu had different chances to politically survive in the long term within a changed geo-political scenario.
A wide documentation (coming from Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Bodleian Library - University of Oxford, Historical Archives of the European Communities, Fondazione Istituto Sturzo, Senato della Repubblica) helps to reconstruct precisely this development that points out the crunch of the identity of Christian Democrats. In this way the following consequences could be delineated: a dissolution of the political unity of Christian Democrets, the emergence of conservative instances in the moderate electorate and finally its fading within the opposite right/left poles of the political system.
Chiara d'Auria
The political experience of Rodrigo Facio Brenes, one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Costa Rica and of Costarican socialdemocracy, is analyzed in the essay through the main source
of his thought, the review «Surco», which he founded. The political and intellectual commitment and the academic career of Facio developed between the Thirties and the first Sixties of XX century,however he is still today Facio is considered one of the most important figures in the political history of the little Central American State.
